Mian Safi ur Rehman
SHAFAQNA PAKISTAN (Shia News Agency)
The Afghan President Dr Ashraf Ghani and the Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah, though sailing in the same boat by default, do not seem in effect on the same page as far as their antecedents of sympathies or ideologies are concerned with regard to options available for stabilising Afghanistan economically.
These views were expressed by a select group of intellectuals that included academicians Muhammad Saeed, Muhammad Hafeez and Waqar Ahmad while talking to The News. When asked to elaborate, the academicians quoted two examples relevant to the recently elected Afghan president and Chief Executive. According to them, Dr Ashraf Ghani’s choice of General Dostum as his Vice President came as a surprise to many, including Pushtoons, against whom General Dostum fought fiercely in the past.
As regards Abdullah Abdullah, the academicians, while likening him to the CEO of a multi-national company rather than a country, said that Abdullah Abdullah is largely considered as representative of old Northern Alliance and faithful of late Ahmed Shah Masud, the ‘Lion of Punjsher’ who was, quite interestingly, closer to France in the West and India in the region rather than immediate neighbours. And Abdullah is not only maintaining a palatial house in New Delhi till today, he is also maintaining the same trends and likings as those of his guru.
This particular relationship was described by these intellectuals as a “fifty-fifty prospect of working relationship between Dr Ashraf Ghani and Abdullah Abdullah.” However, quite paradoxically, some experts in the West regard Dr Ashraf Ghani as a Communist who is either liked or surrounded by Communists in Afghanistan and has potentials to be cuddled by Russians or alternately China, opined the academicians. Continuing with their views, these scholars told The News that it was paradoxical in the sense that American strategists termed Dr. Ashraf Ghani as a brilliant man and a proficient economist in the backdrop of the valuable time spent by him at World Bank as an expert on economy. Obviously, with this much of deep and ‘intertwined’ ties and interaction with the western economic system, it was just paradoxical to view Dr Ghani as a Communist particularly when Communism also doesn’t hold water in its entirety in most parts of the globe. At this point, it was also added: “Dr Ghani is a known intellectual with significant expertise in understanding importance of economic progress as a vital driving force for a stable Afghanistan”.
Giving further in-depth analysis of the resultant Afghan scenario that is in the offing, the scholarly figures added: “As an economist Dr Ashraf Ghani would prefer to maintain close economic links with Pakistan and China that is a likely market for gigantic investments by China and more recently a window of investment opened with Russia. On the other hand Abdullah Abdullah would most likely covet to choose Indian investments in Afghanistan against the logical approach of Dr Ashraf Ghani.
In such a situation Afghans are likely to be undermined for their hard won gains made during the previous decade unless both the leaders arrive at a common convergence of strengthening political, diplomatic and more importantly economic relations with Pakistan, China and Russia in addition to EU through indigenous initiatives. This collective approach would ensure Afghanistan’s security and economic stability that would benefit not only the region but supplement stability in Europe and America. In addition to this pragmatic approach, Afghanistan must concentrate to develop its domestic and externally focused economic sectors, compensating the impending flight of international aid in the given environment of West’s post-2014 strategy.
In the same context Western strategists believe that one viable option for future economic solidity of Afghanistan could be the US-driven New Silk Road Strategy (NSRS) that is considered as a sound tool aimed at regional integration through developing a series of infrastructure connections primarily to overcome trade barriers. The alternate or extra beneficial trade strategy having more robust potentials would be economic integration among Afghanistan’s immediate neighbours, including China, Pakistan, Russia and Iran in addition to Gulf countries that will be connected through upcoming Gwadar port under Pak-China economic corridor (PCEC). Strategising this option after making a collective policy by these regional economic markets will hopefully result into increased Afghan government revenues and the further development of its domestic industries. As a bottom line, NSRS will act as a second, isolated alternative to strengthen Afghanistan’s economy rather than a regional approach that is being provided by PCEC.”
When this scribe sought the academicians’ opinion on India’s greater role in Afghanistan in the NSRS context, they said: “It is apparent that this option would not bring desired results as planned for keeping India deeply relevant in Afghanistan in order to ensure an economically and militarily strong India in the region primarily to undermine and taper the role of Pakistan in Afghanistan. Since the US considers India its genuine strategic partner specifically against the China hence planning to place it in Afghanistan in the wake of thinning out of the US troops. This American strategy is also to restrict China, Russia and Iran’s economic clout in the region. The proposed international web cloaked under economic stability of Afghanistan would rather increase the volatility of Afghanistan becoming a sub-state of India. Now Dr Ashraf Ghani, a brilliant economist needs to be supported by Chief Executive Abdullah Abdullah to make a preference between long term benefits of Pak-China Corridor for Afghanistan as compared to the hegemonic designs of states wanting to see Afghanistan turn into a sub-state.”
pakistan.shafaqna.com
